Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court, the TSE, records Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva as elected in the October 25 presidential runoff. Its national results file generated at 23:27:02 lists Lula with 64,256,232 votes, or 51.79% of valid votes, against Flávio Bolsonaro’s 59,826,041 votes, or 48.21%. The result gives Lula a fourth election victory for the presidency.
For readers in India on October 26, the most important detail is the time attached to the figures. Election reports published during counting can show a different total and a slightly different percentage. This report uses the later TSE national data snapshot identified above, rather than combining figures from several stages of the count.
At a glance
- TSE’s national runoff file marks Lula as elected with 51.79% of valid votes.
- The recorded lead is 4,430,191 votes; the rounded percentage-point gap is 3.58.
- Turnout, blank ballots and null ballots use different denominators from the candidates’ valid-vote shares.
The result in numbers
The two candidates’ totals add to 124,082,273 valid votes. Subtracting Flávio Bolsonaro’s total from Lula’s produces a lead of 4,430,191 votes. Subtracting the displayed shares gives a 3.58-percentage-point margin. The distinction between votes and percentage points is useful: one describes the number separating the candidates, while the other describes the gap between their shares of the valid vote.
The same file records 128,236,074 votes cast overall. That larger number includes 1,430,496 blank ballots and 2,723,305 null ballots. Blank and null ballots together account for 4,153,801 votes, or about 3.24% of all votes cast. They are part of participation in the election, but they are excluded from the denominator used for the candidates’ valid-vote percentages.
This explains why Lula’s 51.79% should not be described as a share of all registered voters. The national file lists 158,745,502 registered voters and reports turnout of 80.78%, with abstention at 19.22%. The electorate, turnout and valid vote are three related measures answering three different questions: who could vote, who participated and how the counted candidate choices were divided.
Why earlier reports carry different percentages
Agência Senado’s account says the TSE considered Lula re-elected at 21:08, when 97.69% of counting had been completed. Its report cites approximately 62.6 million votes and 51.74% for Lula at that point. Those are figures from the declaration stage, rather than the later totals used at the top of this article. A report can therefore be accurate at publication and still differ from a subsequent official snapshot.
The Senate account also describes the contest as a reversal of the first-round ordering. It reports Flávio Bolsonaro ahead on October 4 with 47.03%, compared with Lula’s 45.16%. These first-round shares should be kept separate from the two-candidate runoff. They describe an earlier contest with a different field and cannot simply be added to or subtracted from the second-round totals to identify individual voter movements.
The reporting lesson is straightforward: a winner declaration and an updated tally are different milestones. When comparing two headlines, check the publication time, the proportion counted and the exact measure quoted. A small movement in a displayed percentage during totalisation does not, by itself, establish an error or a change in the declared winner.
Reading the official file carefully
The TSE national record identifies the presidential contest and the second round, alongside a generation date and time. It also contains status information for each candidate. In the snapshot reviewed here, Lula’s status is “Eleito”, meaning elected. That explicit field is stronger evidence for reporting the outcome than attempting to infer a winner from a social-media graphic or an unlabelled screenshot of partial returns.
There is a further technical distinction between sections totalised and sections received. The file reports 100% totalisation while its received-section measure is 99.99%. Those labels should be retained rather than collapsed into the loose statement that every voting machine’s result was received. A data field’s name and definition matter when a reader is checking the arithmetic or comparing dashboards.
The court’s technical information on results publication provides the appropriate starting point for understanding the different files and levels of aggregation. A national presidential total should be compared with the corresponding national contest, not a single state’s return. For this report, the candidate totals and participation measures all come from the same national snapshot.
What the mandate does and does not establish
The time difference also matters for an Indian audience. A result generated late on October 25 in Brazil is being read on October 26 in India. The date in an Indian publication should therefore not be mistaken for a second polling day. Keeping the election date, source generation time and article update date visible allows readers to place the information in sequence. The same discipline is useful when a social post circulates after its original publication: the figures should be checked against the stated snapshot before being described as the newest available total.
A rounded share is another small but important detail. The displayed percentages are convenient for readers, while the underlying integer vote totals support an exact vote-margin calculation. Using those totals avoids multiplying a rounded percentage by a different denominator and presenting the resulting estimate as an official count.
The recorded majority establishes the electoral result in the official data reviewed. It does not tell us why each voter made a choice, whether a particular campaign message was decisive or how different groups will respond to the next government. Those questions require separate evidence, such as properly described surveys, regional analysis or subsequent political decisions.
Our assessment is that the relatively close division makes precision especially important. A national winning percentage does not mean every region voted the same way. Nor does the number of votes provide a ready-made forecast for legislation, coalition negotiations or economic policy. Electoral reporting is stronger when it distinguishes a confirmed outcome from predictions about what the government may be able to deliver.
For international readers, the next useful developments will be official institutional steps and clearly attributed policy announcements. Statements by political figures should be reported as statements; any legal proceeding would need its own filing or decision before being described as a change to the result. This article makes no prediction about market prices, trade flows or the course of a future administration.
We will follow those developments through our international reporting. Readers tracking parliamentary diplomacy can also follow the Politics section. The figures above remain explicitly tied to the TSE file’s stated generation time, so later updates can be compared on the same basis.
Sources
TSE national presidential runoff data, generated October 25 at 23:27:02; TSE technical information on publishing results; Agência Senado’s election report. Margins and combined ballot totals are calculations from the cited data.
Prepared with AI assistance. Editorial responsibility: Ajay Mahawar, Taaza Khabar. Updated October 26, 2026.





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